Friday, July 3, 2009

'Mainstream' political parties: course correction or marginalization?

Govinda Neupane

In Nepal, these days, the political field is one of the most fascinating arenas to watch out. The society and the state are in the process of fundamental change. There are many pessimists who love to preach inevitability of doomsday. They are the champions of negativism. They say that Nepal is at the verge of collapse as a state. That is not the case. Instead, the society is passing through the phase of great transformation. Feudalism is fast disappearing in the rural areas. In urban areas, the workers, professionals and people from lower middle classes are agitating for better living conditions and unrestricted exercise of their civil and political rights. Hence, allover Nepal, new information as well as awareness are giving birth to new organizations. New productive forces are emerging and the new production relations are in the making. True, there are difficulties. However, it is equally true that the pace of fundamental change is momentous and historic.

The aspirations of the people and strategic positioning of the major political forces have been heralding the beginning of a new era. The palace is clear on its mission, strategies and methods. The Maoists are equally clear not only on their destination but also the roads and pathways that they have to travel through. However, the 'mainstream' political parties are the divided houses. Therefore, there is the greater need to analyze objectively the problems, positions and prospects of the parliamentary political front in general and the Nepali Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) in particular.

To unite their divided houses, the parliamentary political parties sometimes raise abstract slogans such as "Total Democracy" and sometimes they swing between the stated ideals of the parties and the personal needs of their leaders. These needs include "save your skin yourself", "change colors like lizards to adjust with" and "spread thin so as to collect benefits from everywhere". The base of such needs is their past, full of controversies, corruptions and conspiracies. Clinging on power to collect benefits was their mission during those days when they were in power. They not only enjoyed power but also misused it. And, they corrupted themselves together with many others around them. It should be noted that the term "leaders" here refers to a large majority of central leaders of the parliamentary political parties including the Congress and the UML. Now, it would be the most natural and prudent course if they leave the scene voluntarily and spend times repenting for all the wrongdoings they were and are responsible for. This could be the single most valuable contribution from them. Through a process of purification that includes expressing genuine regrets, declaring the wealth they have amassed illegally, volunteering for investigation and accepting judgments of the court of justice, they could get another opportunity to reclaim their positions in the galaxy of better political leaders. Some of them could come clean and the others could be rehabilitated once they go through the purification process. However, accountability is not much in practice in Nepal. The feudal mindset certainly limits their motivation to experiment with truth. Therefore, they are simply trying to cover their ugly past with some cosmetic words of regrets.
Now, the upheavals have started to surface in the political parties too. The opposition within Nepali Congress and the former student leader's alumni in UML are the new faces of a new reality. They may not prevail in their own parties. They may even have to swallow the bitter pills of defeat. However, as a trend, they have already registered their strong presence. The Congress has seen two radically different political lines, perhaps, first time in its entire history. The UML also once again has been proceeding to go through the two-line struggle. Lately, the UML has developed administrative mechanisms to quell opposing voices within the party. Hence, the prevalence of the political process is in question.

There could be four probable courses of actions of the on-going struggles inside the Congress and the UML. 1) The struggles, if conducted in a political and professional manner, could give birth to a new Congress and a new UML. Even after the rebirth, the Congress will continue to occupy the center-right and the UML the center-left portion of the political space but they could develop as the genuine democratic parties. In this scenario, they could participate in the valuable process of socio-political and economic change. Moreover, they could go beyond catch phrases such as "Total Democracy". These phrases may not represent the transformational needs of the state and the society. One has to remember that the transformational agenda includes inclusive democracy, cooperative federalism, multiparty system and the radical agenda for socio-economic change. 2) The second scenario could be that that the opposition within Nepali Congress and the alumni within the UML will be thrown out from their respective parties. This is quite possible as their parties have taken such actions in the past. Or, they may be silenced as the minorities. Some members of the new alumni in UML have shown submissiveness of its extreme nature in the past. Also, this time they may walk along the same road. If that would happen, the history will repeat itself in an ugly fashion. 3) In case of their ouster from the parties or they leave on their own, they may form the new political organizations or venture into the political oblivion by joining the civil society. If they decide to form political parties, they may have to struggle hard. However, the new political environment may offer opportunities to gain ground fast. 4) In case, if the opposing factions from both the parties leave their parties, they may come together to form a center-left party. Hence, the opposition within Congress and the alumni could put their energies and resources together to advance the progressive agenda. This formation may get tremendous boost if some of the prominent personalities (like Dr Devendra Raj Pandey and Shyam Shrestha) of the extended civil society join hands with them in a functional politico-organizational arrangement.

The political process that has been seen in the form of upheavals is taking shape by creating divisions in the 'mainstream' political parties too and may result to realignments of the political forces. However, if the political leaders who remind the misrule and corruptions of the past continue in the leadership positions, if the political parties swing to this and that side and use cunning tricks to fool the general people, if the transformational agenda is not adopted, if the rectification and democratization process in the political parties does not take place and if the 'mainstream' parties shy away from championing the cause of the mass movement, nobody can save them from further marginalization. In that situation, new political formations could emerge and the political process will continue to move forward. However, more recently, the 'mainstream' parties have shown some character and motivation towards reclaiming their mass base by adopting the democratic agenda and by leading the popular agitation at least in the cities.

Also, the media advocates of the multiparty system and the powerful movement launched by the civil society should share responsibilities by offering their ideas and services to clean up the mess in the political formations. The improved politico-organizational health of the 'mainstream' political parties certainly will contribute to realize the democratic aspirations of the people and attaining the goal of a peaceful, prosperous and democratic Nepal.

Posted on www.nepalresearch.com, September 17, 2005.

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