Govinda Neupane
After the commencement of the second ceasefire between the government and the Maoists, and the initiation of dialogue, some sections of the politicians and intellectuals have created unrealistic optimism. This optimism is neither the result of a critical examination of the process of negotiation nor it has any relation with the substance. Its basis is just the wishful thinking. The process in itself is difficult. This was evident during the previous negotiation exercise. Therefore, it has become important to understand the socio-political and military context, the gaps between expectations of different participating forces and the process by which the entire conflict gets resolved.
The reality of today is that the palace has become the de-facto power. It has formed an alliance with the rightist political forces and a section of intellectuals, who were and are busy in cultivating opportunities. The centrists, primarily composed of Nepali Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist), have lost popular mass base and also lost control over civil bureaucracy. Now, they are just there as an ideology, non-functional political bureaucracy and as remnants of a historical process. From the perspective of political importance, the left-democratic force, centered around and led by the Maoists is the most dominant force. The traditional Right still enjoys military superiority, whereas the Maoists have become the dominant popular force with a strong military base. The centrist combination has been hanging around a popular political system. From the power-relations perspective, the whole society has been polarized between the Left and the Right. But from the system-relations perspective the centrist are also very much present. Hence, the political superstructure demands a direct negotiation between traditional Right and the Left to resolve the power issues, whereas the centrists also have a role in bridging the ideological and political gap between the opposite poles and also can help a bit in resolving the system-issues.
The traditional Right wants power and will offer some cosmetic role to the leftist and also to the centrists. They will maneuver to disarm the Maoists and will make every effort to strengthen their military capability and expand popular base. The Maoists will try to interfere with the central governance mechanism and will try to create a sound foundation for mass uprising while keeping intact or even strengthening their military power. The centrists, as usual, will try to make their presence felt by increasing their visibility through public relation activities such as meetings, statements, a few demonstrations and so on. In this context, therefore, the negotiation exercise will march through an interesting process.
The first phase has already been in practice. This preliminary stage where feelers from both sides worked overtime, ceasefire was agreed, negotiating teams were formed, code of conduct was finalized, warm up activities were under taken and a battle of wits surfaced. The process during this phase created confusions, hopes, expectations and dreams. Nobody knows how the peaceful resolution would be attained, but everybody has thrown his or her support for a peaceful resolution. Until now, there has been seen more fantasies than realism. The merchants of mediation and sponsors of dialogue also promoted the hype.
The second phase will start in the very day when both the negotiating teams confront each other face to face. From the government side, the traditional right will argue for finding out a solution without addressing the structural issues. It would, as usual, try for sharing power or accommodating the Maoists as junior partner in the ruling coalition. Mostly, the government representatives will try to convince the Maoist team talking more about "bloodshed", "development", "national interest" and "intelligence and immense capacity of Maoist leaders in nation building". Their whole focus will be on cosmetics, or at the best, providing some face saving remedies to the Maoists so as to help them to inter inside the "prestigious Singh Durbar". Therefore, the government will offer solutions without substance. On the other hand, the Maoists will bring forward the more structural issues such as ownership over means of production, equal and mutually beneficial relation with other countries, management of natural resources, system of governance and role of the people etc, and may propose a general debate on the constitutional framework to address such issues. As usual, they will put forward the election of the constituent assembly, and for that purpose a round table conference and formation of an interim government. Some people may argue that the Maoists may settle for reforming the present constitution, but that sounds a remote possibility. Therefore, both sides, after some arguments, threats and maneuvering, may agree on the proposal of the constituent assembly as this could be a better midway activity for the resolution of the conflict.
During this period, the government will also procure more military hardware, provide training to its military force even by bringing external experts, and maneuver for moral and material support from the foreign governments. The efforts will center on improving its military capability. On the other hand, the Maoists will try to consolidate their gains, improve supply lines, strengthen the system of governance in the area they control, reach out to every Nepali villages and townships so as to create a sound ground for mass uprising and also to expand their military strength. Therefore, if the negotiation breaks down, both sides will jump to the battlefield with enhanced military and political might. In this scenario, the process ends then and there. But if the proposal for constitutional reform or the election of the constituent assembly would be accepted, the third phase starts.
During the third phase, if the Maoists will agree for the constitutional reform, it is nearly certain that there would a vertical split within Maoist force. The large majority will go back to the battlefield. A small section of discarded elements will get accommodation within the system and the process ends. But, if the election of the constituent assembly is agreed upon, there will be an interim government represented primarily by the traditional right and the Maoists with a marginal presence of the centrists and a few independents. The formation of the interim government would not be so difficult but agreeing to a mechanism for the control over the police force, government army, Maoist army and civil bureaucracy will be very difficult. If they will manage to develop a mutually agreed mechanism, the implementation phase would start.
In the forth phase, every force will present its core constitutional values in a brief draft for general debate and will try to ensure the victory of its candidate for the assembly. There may be many minor issues but the core contentious issue could be the role of the armed forces of both sides, which could prevent free exercise of the will. If that issue is resolved, there could be an election and there will be a constituent assembly. If the constituent assembly is sovereign and can set a framework to resolving the fundamental issues of social transformation and to designing an appropriate system of governance, the constitution is there. Now, the more difficult phase of amalgamation of different opposing forces starts. If that amalgamation is accomplished, the conflict will get resolved. Therefore, it is too unrealistic and too early to conclude that the resolution of the conflict is very close.
The People's Review weekly, Kathmandu, April 24-30, 2003
Friday, July 3, 2009
Ceasefire and dialogue: What next?
Govinda neupane
In Nepal, the role and influencing capacity of different political forces have changed in the recent months. Although, there are still the three major political blocks (the rightist traditional forces, the centrist parliamentary forces and the leftist new democratic forces) as they were in the past, but their role-value and the weight-factors have changed tremendously.
At this moment, the rightist traditional forces are in a commanding position. Although, some other small political formations such as Rastriya Prajatantra Party form part of the combination, primarily the palace represents this block. They not only control the army, but also run the administration. They have a 'cabinet' to show the outsiders and have obtained overt or covert support from the dominant powers such as America. They are trying to improve relation with India. In the present world political make-up, where only one superpower is roaming around as a Spanish bull, it is natural that the American and Indian interests in Nepal can be addressed together.
The centrist parliamentary block combines old and new social democrats represented by Nepali Congress, the Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist) and a few other 'communist' and non-communist groups. After the people's movement of 1990, the rightists and the centrist forces shared power. The rightists maintained supremacy over the army and the centrist established effective control over the civil bureaucracy. In the name of democracy, the centrist leaders accumulated wealth through unfair means and grabbed every opportunity available for their own benefit. The nation and the society experienced a phase of extreme frustration. In this process they loose the popular support and the traditional forces got opportunity to sideline them.
The leftists, primarily represented by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) took a highly confrontational path of armed social transformation. In February 13, 1996, they initiated armed struggle. They developed their political and military base rapidly and started to run a de-facto government in the large part of the rural areas. The government based in Kathmandu has been absent there and the Maoists have established there the system of effective governance.
Today, not only the balance of power has changed, but also there has been a polarization of political forces. The centrists are still there very much present as a political ideology and non-functional organizational structures, but they have no effective voice in any political developments as they neither control the bureaucracy nor the army nor they command popular support. They have become a marginal force. But still, they can play some role if they join one or the other pole. Hence, in the present context, the rightist traditional forces and the leftist forces (primarily the Maoists) form the two poles and are standing against each other face to face.
Therefore, any objective analysis starts from the acceptance of the polarization in the Nepalese political stage. The power balance today, between the two poles has determined the course of political actions, maneuverings, game plans and change of immediate objectives of all political forces. The two power blocks are setting the course and the remnants of the centrist forces are lining up in a queue to have either a "darshan" (audience with) or a "Bhetghat" (meeting) with the traditional and the leftist forces respectively. Although, no one should completely overlook the centrist forces, but in any power analysis they do not occupy the prime space. Hence, the political and military polarization between the traditional forces and the leftists becomes an issue of paramount importance.
After a year of consorted effort, the traditional forces formed their united front by including the palace, rightist political formations and the intellectual-turn-coats. On an opportune moment, they established effective control over the civil bureaucracy by overthrowing a weak caretaker government of a faction of the centrists. The rightists enchased the popular sentiments partly as they effectively overthrew the infamous centrist block from the government. They had the army under their control already. So, within a short span of time they became the most powerful force. In this course, they tried to quell the Maoist rebellion by military means. But, they were unsuccessful. Therefore, they need time to reorganize themselves or to reexamine their strategy or to add more sophisticated weapons in their arsenal.
On the other hand, the Maoists had been engaged in armed conflict for quite a long time. The September 11 incident in America created a fertile ground for any repressive government to declare any legitimate struggles lunched by the people or a nation as act of terrorism. By utilizing this opportunity, the Nepalese state forces declared the Maoists as terrorists. This declaration helped the state to enlist Maoist leaders as terrorist with the Interpol, which issued 'Red Corner Notice' for their arrest. Therefore, the Maoists were looking for a window to escape from the unpleasant label of "terrorists". Similarly, they had won the battle against the police as well as the paramilitary force and also they successfully prevented the defeat from the army. Instead, the army sounded tired and powerless. The Maoists also had established effective control in a large part of the rural areas and they were in need of an interval when they can consolidate the gains.
The opposite poles could not meet if the case has its relation with the concrete science, but in social science that is not only possible, sometimes, it becomes the most viable option. Therefore, the ceasefire in the country and a process of dialogue has become the talk of the town. The two poles are there participating in the same process with entirely different motives, objectives and design.
Now, the million-dollar question is: what next? There are only two options available – 1) assimilation of the Maoist force in the new political environment acceptable for not only both the political poles but also for the people, or 2) go back to the battlefield and decide the future course by military means. The second option is very much understandable and clear. But, the first option is complicated and needs a deeper look. For the realization of the first option either the traditional rightist forces have to hand over the power to the leftists or the leftists have to agree to accept a ceremonial role in the rightist dominated system of governance. Both these propositions are nearly impossible in regard to their operational worth. So, they have to find out an option, which could be acceptable for both of them and the people. In such situation, organizing an election of a constituent assembly could provide a common ground. The election should be conducted by an impartial election commission with the support of an interim government participated by all major political forces and social sections. And, the assembly should have no limitations strings attached to other than framing a constitution on the best interest of the people and the Nepalese nation.
In final analysis, either there will be the election of the all-powerful constituent assembly or the guns will start roaring once again. If the Maoists will agree something less than all-powerful constituent assembly, that may be seen as betrayal by the people in general and their own cadres in particular. For the traditional forces also, the exit option, if offered by the people, could be more acceptable. This will be an inclusive process for the marginal centrist forces too, and should be acceptable. The people shall welcome the election of the assembly as this action alone can insure their sovereign status.
The Telegraph weekly, Kathamandu, April 9-15, 2003
In Nepal, the role and influencing capacity of different political forces have changed in the recent months. Although, there are still the three major political blocks (the rightist traditional forces, the centrist parliamentary forces and the leftist new democratic forces) as they were in the past, but their role-value and the weight-factors have changed tremendously.
At this moment, the rightist traditional forces are in a commanding position. Although, some other small political formations such as Rastriya Prajatantra Party form part of the combination, primarily the palace represents this block. They not only control the army, but also run the administration. They have a 'cabinet' to show the outsiders and have obtained overt or covert support from the dominant powers such as America. They are trying to improve relation with India. In the present world political make-up, where only one superpower is roaming around as a Spanish bull, it is natural that the American and Indian interests in Nepal can be addressed together.
The centrist parliamentary block combines old and new social democrats represented by Nepali Congress, the Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist) and a few other 'communist' and non-communist groups. After the people's movement of 1990, the rightists and the centrist forces shared power. The rightists maintained supremacy over the army and the centrist established effective control over the civil bureaucracy. In the name of democracy, the centrist leaders accumulated wealth through unfair means and grabbed every opportunity available for their own benefit. The nation and the society experienced a phase of extreme frustration. In this process they loose the popular support and the traditional forces got opportunity to sideline them.
The leftists, primarily represented by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) took a highly confrontational path of armed social transformation. In February 13, 1996, they initiated armed struggle. They developed their political and military base rapidly and started to run a de-facto government in the large part of the rural areas. The government based in Kathmandu has been absent there and the Maoists have established there the system of effective governance.
Today, not only the balance of power has changed, but also there has been a polarization of political forces. The centrists are still there very much present as a political ideology and non-functional organizational structures, but they have no effective voice in any political developments as they neither control the bureaucracy nor the army nor they command popular support. They have become a marginal force. But still, they can play some role if they join one or the other pole. Hence, in the present context, the rightist traditional forces and the leftist forces (primarily the Maoists) form the two poles and are standing against each other face to face.
Therefore, any objective analysis starts from the acceptance of the polarization in the Nepalese political stage. The power balance today, between the two poles has determined the course of political actions, maneuverings, game plans and change of immediate objectives of all political forces. The two power blocks are setting the course and the remnants of the centrist forces are lining up in a queue to have either a "darshan" (audience with) or a "Bhetghat" (meeting) with the traditional and the leftist forces respectively. Although, no one should completely overlook the centrist forces, but in any power analysis they do not occupy the prime space. Hence, the political and military polarization between the traditional forces and the leftists becomes an issue of paramount importance.
After a year of consorted effort, the traditional forces formed their united front by including the palace, rightist political formations and the intellectual-turn-coats. On an opportune moment, they established effective control over the civil bureaucracy by overthrowing a weak caretaker government of a faction of the centrists. The rightists enchased the popular sentiments partly as they effectively overthrew the infamous centrist block from the government. They had the army under their control already. So, within a short span of time they became the most powerful force. In this course, they tried to quell the Maoist rebellion by military means. But, they were unsuccessful. Therefore, they need time to reorganize themselves or to reexamine their strategy or to add more sophisticated weapons in their arsenal.
On the other hand, the Maoists had been engaged in armed conflict for quite a long time. The September 11 incident in America created a fertile ground for any repressive government to declare any legitimate struggles lunched by the people or a nation as act of terrorism. By utilizing this opportunity, the Nepalese state forces declared the Maoists as terrorists. This declaration helped the state to enlist Maoist leaders as terrorist with the Interpol, which issued 'Red Corner Notice' for their arrest. Therefore, the Maoists were looking for a window to escape from the unpleasant label of "terrorists". Similarly, they had won the battle against the police as well as the paramilitary force and also they successfully prevented the defeat from the army. Instead, the army sounded tired and powerless. The Maoists also had established effective control in a large part of the rural areas and they were in need of an interval when they can consolidate the gains.
The opposite poles could not meet if the case has its relation with the concrete science, but in social science that is not only possible, sometimes, it becomes the most viable option. Therefore, the ceasefire in the country and a process of dialogue has become the talk of the town. The two poles are there participating in the same process with entirely different motives, objectives and design.
Now, the million-dollar question is: what next? There are only two options available – 1) assimilation of the Maoist force in the new political environment acceptable for not only both the political poles but also for the people, or 2) go back to the battlefield and decide the future course by military means. The second option is very much understandable and clear. But, the first option is complicated and needs a deeper look. For the realization of the first option either the traditional rightist forces have to hand over the power to the leftists or the leftists have to agree to accept a ceremonial role in the rightist dominated system of governance. Both these propositions are nearly impossible in regard to their operational worth. So, they have to find out an option, which could be acceptable for both of them and the people. In such situation, organizing an election of a constituent assembly could provide a common ground. The election should be conducted by an impartial election commission with the support of an interim government participated by all major political forces and social sections. And, the assembly should have no limitations strings attached to other than framing a constitution on the best interest of the people and the Nepalese nation.
In final analysis, either there will be the election of the all-powerful constituent assembly or the guns will start roaring once again. If the Maoists will agree something less than all-powerful constituent assembly, that may be seen as betrayal by the people in general and their own cadres in particular. For the traditional forces also, the exit option, if offered by the people, could be more acceptable. This will be an inclusive process for the marginal centrist forces too, and should be acceptable. The people shall welcome the election of the assembly as this action alone can insure their sovereign status.
The Telegraph weekly, Kathamandu, April 9-15, 2003
Democratic Resolution of the Nepalese Political Impasse
Govinda Neupane
In the recent years, more specifically, after the historic people's movement of 1990, his expectation was that the pace of change would be faster. The aspirations among the people heralded that the political forces should move in an unprecedented speed so as to bridge the political, social, economic and intellectual gap created by overall underdevelopment, injustices and irresponsible governance. During the in initial phase of the euphoria of the people's movement, the parliamentary political forces in arrangement with the monarchy drafted a document and introduced the same as the constitution of the country. After the introduction of the constitution, the nation has seen three general elections. One or the other party formed the government after the elections, but they not only overlooked the people's aspirations and the national development agenda but also nearly all the leaders and influential cadres of the centrist parliamentary political parties accumulated unimaginable wealth through all sorts of corrupt practices. 'The rule of law' continued to remain a phrase unknown to the masses. Although, there was change of governments several times, but all of them failed to change the prevailing feudal values and practices of the pre 1990 state-system. The role of the people was just to elect some 'masters' for that very day or for some years from a 'galaxy of masters'. As a result, disappointment and frustration among the people run high.
In the mean time the Maoists took arms to attain people's emancipation and their overall development. In the night of 13 February 1996, several violent events signaled different type of attempt to realize the dream of establishing a progressive state. After this event, hundreds and thousands of violent events, battles, actions and many more have taken place in the country. During the past seven years, more than 7500 persons have lost their lives. The entire nation had passed through the barbaric 'emergency rule'. All political and civil rights remained suspended. The security forces and the Maoist guerillas had been involved in several battles. Therefore, the resolution of the war had become the focal point of any discussion directed towards bringing the Nepalese society to the path of development and prosperity. After the second ceasefire declared by both the warring parties, the discussion is further focused on the examination of the alternatives available in attaining the resolution.
It is only natural that either one side should defeat the other side militarily, or a political process should bring all sides together in finding out the solution to restore peace. Although, the first option will continue till the parties involved accept the second option of the political process, already some steps have been taken to streamline the efforts directed to ensure resolution. These steps include the ceasefire, informal contacts between and among all major political players and the attempts to concretize the broad political agenda.
Today, in the Nepalese political scenario, three types of dominant political forces are bitterly competing to strengthen their power base. They are – the traditional forces represented by the king, the centrist parliamentary democratic forces represented by Nepali congress and the Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist) and the leftist new democratic forces represented by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). Furthermore, the king and the Maoists have their armed forces whereas the centrist forces broadly rely on the king for any decision-making role over the Nepalese army. In this way, they are divided into three major groups politically and into two fronts militarily.
In real term, the traditional political force is antagonistic towards both the centrist and the leftist forces and wants unconditional surrender of arms by the Maoists and acceptance of the effective role of the king by the centrist forces. In this situation, the king could hold the power effectively and the centrist forces as well as the leftists could be the wonderful masks of democracy. The traditional forces, therefore, will try to create a framework where the king holds power; the centrists hold positions and the leftists participate in a slow process of their own dissolution. On their part, the centrist parliamentary political forces prescribe dialogue, constitutional amendments to bring desired changes in the political system by maintaining constitutional monarchy and multiparty system. Through this process, they try to neutralize the military might of the other two forces by immediately disarming the Maoists and gradually establishing control over the Royal Nepal Army. The leftist new democratic forces represented by the Maoists will try to maximize their area of political as well as military influence by proposing a course of dialogue, formation of an interim government, and election of the constituent assembly to draft a new constitution.
With different motives and objectives of their own, the proposal to organize the election of a constituent assembly may be acceptable to all the three types of forces. The traditional forces need such opportunity to legalize the traditional power they enjoy. The centrist forces may see this opportunity favorable to effectively disarm Maoists and also to establish control over the army by introducing new constitutional provisions. The Maoists certainly have already seen benefits on such proposal, therefore, they proposed. They may succeed in expanding their power base without disarming themselves.
The proposal regarding holding election of the constituent assembly is related to handing over the stick to the people who are said sovereign. Therefore, it is only natural to create the environment where ordinary citizens can decide their destiny themselves. This is the core political process. Really, this could be a great democratic exercise. By proposing the democratic way of redirecting the agenda in a civil war situation, the Maoists, in principle, have accepted that they will function in a competitive political framework. Furthermore, the democratic process will certainly help them and the entire nation to participate in the transformational agenda, actions and programs to build a just and prosperous society.
In reality, Nepal has been facing serious problems not only in the area of political development but also in the economic, cultural and intellectual fronts. The society as a whole is experiencing the pain of transition. The traditional feudal values, beliefs and practices have been continuously resisting the new sets of attitudes, behavior and practices based on the new scientific values. As a result, the opposing political, economic and cultural forces are in the relentless battle to expand their space and for this reason they put tremendous energy to gain control over the resources, both, human as well as material. Therefore, the situation is complex, which is going through a transitional process resulting to a new, transformed society. The problems, prospects and processes, hence, are related to the transformation and any actions will help resolving the complexities when holistic agenda has been adopted. In this context, only the election of the constituent assembly has the capacity, scope and democratic qualities to address the complexities. This exercise should have been carried out long ago. Unfortunately, never in the history of Nepal, the people had such opportunity. Therefore, to give peace a chance, to allow democracy to function and to take the nation to prosperity, the responsible political forces should come together and agree to hand over the stick to the rightful owner – the citizens of Nepal.
The People's Review weekly, Kathmandu, April 3-9, 2003.
In the recent years, more specifically, after the historic people's movement of 1990, his expectation was that the pace of change would be faster. The aspirations among the people heralded that the political forces should move in an unprecedented speed so as to bridge the political, social, economic and intellectual gap created by overall underdevelopment, injustices and irresponsible governance. During the in initial phase of the euphoria of the people's movement, the parliamentary political forces in arrangement with the monarchy drafted a document and introduced the same as the constitution of the country. After the introduction of the constitution, the nation has seen three general elections. One or the other party formed the government after the elections, but they not only overlooked the people's aspirations and the national development agenda but also nearly all the leaders and influential cadres of the centrist parliamentary political parties accumulated unimaginable wealth through all sorts of corrupt practices. 'The rule of law' continued to remain a phrase unknown to the masses. Although, there was change of governments several times, but all of them failed to change the prevailing feudal values and practices of the pre 1990 state-system. The role of the people was just to elect some 'masters' for that very day or for some years from a 'galaxy of masters'. As a result, disappointment and frustration among the people run high.
In the mean time the Maoists took arms to attain people's emancipation and their overall development. In the night of 13 February 1996, several violent events signaled different type of attempt to realize the dream of establishing a progressive state. After this event, hundreds and thousands of violent events, battles, actions and many more have taken place in the country. During the past seven years, more than 7500 persons have lost their lives. The entire nation had passed through the barbaric 'emergency rule'. All political and civil rights remained suspended. The security forces and the Maoist guerillas had been involved in several battles. Therefore, the resolution of the war had become the focal point of any discussion directed towards bringing the Nepalese society to the path of development and prosperity. After the second ceasefire declared by both the warring parties, the discussion is further focused on the examination of the alternatives available in attaining the resolution.
It is only natural that either one side should defeat the other side militarily, or a political process should bring all sides together in finding out the solution to restore peace. Although, the first option will continue till the parties involved accept the second option of the political process, already some steps have been taken to streamline the efforts directed to ensure resolution. These steps include the ceasefire, informal contacts between and among all major political players and the attempts to concretize the broad political agenda.
Today, in the Nepalese political scenario, three types of dominant political forces are bitterly competing to strengthen their power base. They are – the traditional forces represented by the king, the centrist parliamentary democratic forces represented by Nepali congress and the Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist) and the leftist new democratic forces represented by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). Furthermore, the king and the Maoists have their armed forces whereas the centrist forces broadly rely on the king for any decision-making role over the Nepalese army. In this way, they are divided into three major groups politically and into two fronts militarily.
In real term, the traditional political force is antagonistic towards both the centrist and the leftist forces and wants unconditional surrender of arms by the Maoists and acceptance of the effective role of the king by the centrist forces. In this situation, the king could hold the power effectively and the centrist forces as well as the leftists could be the wonderful masks of democracy. The traditional forces, therefore, will try to create a framework where the king holds power; the centrists hold positions and the leftists participate in a slow process of their own dissolution. On their part, the centrist parliamentary political forces prescribe dialogue, constitutional amendments to bring desired changes in the political system by maintaining constitutional monarchy and multiparty system. Through this process, they try to neutralize the military might of the other two forces by immediately disarming the Maoists and gradually establishing control over the Royal Nepal Army. The leftist new democratic forces represented by the Maoists will try to maximize their area of political as well as military influence by proposing a course of dialogue, formation of an interim government, and election of the constituent assembly to draft a new constitution.
With different motives and objectives of their own, the proposal to organize the election of a constituent assembly may be acceptable to all the three types of forces. The traditional forces need such opportunity to legalize the traditional power they enjoy. The centrist forces may see this opportunity favorable to effectively disarm Maoists and also to establish control over the army by introducing new constitutional provisions. The Maoists certainly have already seen benefits on such proposal, therefore, they proposed. They may succeed in expanding their power base without disarming themselves.
The proposal regarding holding election of the constituent assembly is related to handing over the stick to the people who are said sovereign. Therefore, it is only natural to create the environment where ordinary citizens can decide their destiny themselves. This is the core political process. Really, this could be a great democratic exercise. By proposing the democratic way of redirecting the agenda in a civil war situation, the Maoists, in principle, have accepted that they will function in a competitive political framework. Furthermore, the democratic process will certainly help them and the entire nation to participate in the transformational agenda, actions and programs to build a just and prosperous society.
In reality, Nepal has been facing serious problems not only in the area of political development but also in the economic, cultural and intellectual fronts. The society as a whole is experiencing the pain of transition. The traditional feudal values, beliefs and practices have been continuously resisting the new sets of attitudes, behavior and practices based on the new scientific values. As a result, the opposing political, economic and cultural forces are in the relentless battle to expand their space and for this reason they put tremendous energy to gain control over the resources, both, human as well as material. Therefore, the situation is complex, which is going through a transitional process resulting to a new, transformed society. The problems, prospects and processes, hence, are related to the transformation and any actions will help resolving the complexities when holistic agenda has been adopted. In this context, only the election of the constituent assembly has the capacity, scope and democratic qualities to address the complexities. This exercise should have been carried out long ago. Unfortunately, never in the history of Nepal, the people had such opportunity. Therefore, to give peace a chance, to allow democracy to function and to take the nation to prosperity, the responsible political forces should come together and agree to hand over the stick to the rightful owner – the citizens of Nepal.
The People's Review weekly, Kathmandu, April 3-9, 2003.
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